African-American Vernacular English vs Standard English in Mule Bone

African-American Vernacular English vs Standard English in 'Mule Bone' The Negros universal mimicry is not so much a thing in itself as an evidence of something that permeates his entire self. And that thing is drama. (Hurston, 830) In her own words, Hurston captures the gritty picture she paints in the highly disputed early 20th century drama, Mule Bone, co-written by fellow Harlem renaissance icon Langston Hughes. Mule Bone is set in a fictionalized version of Hurstons hometown, an all black community in Eatonville, Florida where she spent the early years of her teen life living with her father following her mothers death. Hurstons earliest memoirs indicate that the Eatonville of her childhood, much like the Eatonville of the stage, had two churches and no jail. Based on the short story A Bone of Contention which Hurston penned in 1929, Mule Bone draws heavily from Hurstons anthropological work which she compiled from visits to all black communities in the southern United States. Hughes and Hurston collaboratively worked A Bone of Contention into a ru nning dialogue set for the stage, however; this project would eventually tear the two authors apart after discrepancies in the text became insurmountable. As a piece of social criticism, Mule Bone is much like other comedies, however; the high level of diction stemming from what linguistic scholars have recently named African-American vernacular English (AAVE) set a new standard in realism for African-Americans on stage. Standard English (SE) has been studied in volume after volume of deep structure analysis and lexical origins, only recently has AAVE received the same attention in the form of through analysis that SE has enjoyed for years. Researchers have found the main differences between AAVE and SE lie in subtle rule changes. Where AAVE allows for consonant cluster reduction, the absence of the copula, invariant or habitual forms of to be, time reference markers, and multiple negation (Mufwene, 1) SE does not have such allowances. So much of Hurstons voice relies on the accurate portrayal of AAVE. A voice which Holloway describes as recursive; it begins, it names, it activates, it calls us back to a primal ground. (Holloway, 113) Hurston was striving to write a dialogue which, until this point, had been poorly recorded and often stereotyped African-Americans as dim-witted, primitive and wild. In her highly acclaimed anthropological essay Characteristics of Negro Expression, Hurston sums up the realization of a pure black dialect and comments on the unnatural dialogue credited to the Negro so far: If we are to believe the majority of the writers of Negro dialect and the burnt-cork artists, Negro speech is a weird thing, full of ams and Ises. Fortunately we dont have to believe them. We may go directly to the Negro and let him speak for himself. (Hurston, 845-846) Dialect is a term linguists struggle to define as one cannot set firm boundaries around a shapeless, often regional form of speech. Tracing history and the introduction of Africans to America, researchers have roughly sketched out the origins of what is now covered by the umbrella label AAVE. Originally Pidgin French (later known as Creole) and Pidgin English were derived from Portuguese. These languages were spread to West Africa, and the first African-Asian trade involving the west Pacific, including India, China, and later Hawaii, brought the seeds of African-American English all across the globe. Charles S. Johnson, a prominent scholar of African-American English surmised that Negro dialect turns out to be a repository for the seventeenth century speech of the first English colonizers, (Dillard, 39) this theory, along with others that rely on berating African-American culture as the white mans castoff, fell by the wayside as more scientific research was done on the structure of A AVE; revealing the blending of both native tongues and new forms of Pidgin English as the origins of African-American English in the United States. Deeply seeded in the Portuguese origins from which AAVE seems to have stemmed is the fundamental difference most noticeable to most SE speakers. Dillard examines a sentence such as: An so I comin down an she out there blabbin her mouth told my sister I was playin hookey from school. In which, he explains, there are no lexical anomalies from SE, nor any alien forms, although sometimes usage is casual and illiterate, it follows many of the same conventions as does SE. (Dillard, 40) However, it is the syntactical analysis of AAVE that reveals the most information. Dillard points out that an obligatory category in SE: verb tense, can be ignored in what he refers to as, Black English. While it is interesting to peruse these volumes of thoroughly dissected AAVE, it is important to remember Hurston and Hughes goal in penning Mule Bone; the accurate portrayal of the language of life in a racially un-oppressed southern black community. Hurston failed to capture the elusive dialect in perfect written form, insofar as researchers are concerned, as often she substitutes more readily recognizable structures in place of the hard to read, more accurate written compositions, which she could have transcribed from tapes gathered during her anthropological studies. None the less, Hurston and Hughes managed to convey the sounds of AAVE, its subtle inflections and outlandish expressions, which in consideration of the theatrical backdrop Mule Bone enjoyed, remains of higher importance than their choice of spelling. Hughes seems to have played a lesser role in designating the reality of dialogue in Mule Bone as critics have commented on other literary work he published as stale, flat, and spiritless. (Redding, 73) Further examination of his literary track record reveals that as Hughes matured and evolved as a human being, so did his writing. One critics nostalgic view of Hughes reveals the disgust within a literary niche in response to his stronghold on his roots. While Hughess rejection of his own growth shows an admirable loyalty to his self-commitment as the poet of the simple, Negro common-folk the peasant, the laborer, the city slum-dweller, it does a disservice to his art. (Redding, 74) This diehard image of the common black man is the cornerstone of the Mule Bone community, and an important role Hughes facilitated transcribing A Bone of Contention into a feasible piece of dramatic text. Within Mule Bone, concrete examples of Hurston and Hughess regionalized diction are plenteous, the play is written strictly in dialect. Breaking these forms of speech into appropriate categories is essential in an analysis of the text. Hurston reveals in Characteristics of Negro Expression, that the most basic language is one which relies on comparisons, rather than extensive descriptions to elaborate meaning. She supposes the inherent ease of parallelisms as the natural form from which all other descriptive speech is derived. And in doing so, Hurston recognizes African-Americans as the contributors of broad, often natural similes and metaphors, the double descriptive (such as high-tall, little-tee-ninchy, kill-dead), and verbal nouns (such as funeralize, puts the shamery on him, and uglying away) to the English language. (Hurston, 832-833) Mule Bone is packed full of these elements, a few examples of the co-authors awareness to the vivid language associated with similes are as follows: Id beat her till she smell like onions. (Bass, 52) Id stomp her till she rope like okra. (Bass, 52) Id romp her till she slack like lime. (Bass, 52) The first example is self explanatory, however the second and third are a bit more elusive in their meaning. Okra is a non-native English word introduced by African-Americans, one of the dozen or so words researchers formally recognize as African in origin, and refers to a particular kind of vegetable. The meaning is derived from the strings of gooey sap exuded by cooked okra when its eaten. Hurstons simile paints the picture of a beating so severe; one might be left oozing blood. Slack like lime is a term which has apparently fallen by the wayside, as no formal explanation seems to exist. Smell like a nest of yellowhammers was another elusive term, yellowhammers are a type of bird, however; there is little to no evidence that shows any connection between the two. The characters within Mule Bone relate everything to a grounded understanding of their world. Every description involves something physical; a tangible piece of their surroundings that fundamentally represents the implied meaning. As an example, in the opening lines, Hambo retorts that his baldness doesnt matter because he dont want nothin-not even hair-between (he) and God. (Bass, 49) The description of old Brazzles mule lends itself nicely as an example of the physical aspect of everyday speech. He was so skinny you could do a weeks washing on his ribs for a washboard and hang em up on his hip-bones to dry. (Bass, 53) Or, Clarkes description of Daisy a great big mangoa sweet smell, you know, with a strong flavor, but not something you could mash up like a strawberry. Something with a body to it. (Bass, 60) Several languages of West Africa denote the creation of man to a God beating a drum; the shockwaves of each beat resonating throughout mankind. This kind of primal being, a connection with the physical universe, comes to life as Hurston examines this feeling as related to African-American dance, she says: The performer flexes one knee sharply, assumes a ferocious face mask, thrusts the upper part of the body forward with clenched fists, elbows taut as in hard running or grasping a thrusting blade. That is all. Bit the spectator himself adds the picture of ferocious assault, hears the drums and finds himself keeping time with the music and tensing himself for the struggle. It is compelling insinuation. (Hurston, 835) This to Hurston is the embodiment of drama. Fundamentally, Hurston feels as though African-Americans are drama. She feels as though each aspect of the Negro life is dramatized, lifted above the mundane, and enacted, not lived. In conclusion, studying the development of AAVE in conjunction with the changing social atmosphere of the Harlem renaissance and the conversion of Hurstons short story to a dramatic work, has greatly increased the significance of the text as a piece of self-proclamation for the African-American in the early 20th century. The combination of Hurstons anthropological experience and Hughess steadfast hold on his culture reaches new heights in the realization of a true to life representation of African-American life. Place was important to Zora Neale Hurston-she would spend most of her adult life in search of a place she could claim as her own-one that would support, with fervor equal to hers, her cultural nationalism, that would respect the legacies represented in the voices that she recorded-voices that evidenced the traditions of the world. (Holloway, 113) Holloway touches upon an important conclusion one comes to in viewing Mule Bone as a text among many others. Hurston and Hughes strove to find a place among the Zekes of The Octoroon and the Jupiters of Poes The Gold Bug, and succeeded wildly. The dialect of each character in Mule Bone lends itself to the subtle twisting and careful crafting applied by the co-authors. In a way, Hurston and Hughes celebrate themselves in the colorful use of dialect. To close, Holloway sums up the atmosphere one gets a feel for with this use of dialect, she says, (it) speaks of the primacy of the word, the instrumentation of literary talent and the metaphorical adornment of a culture that recaptures myth on its tongue and uses the adornment to represent itself as black. (Holloway, 115) Works Cited Bass, George Hurston, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., eds. Langston Hughes and Zora Neale Hurston: Mule Bone: A comedy of Negro Life. New York: Perennial, 1991. Dillard, J.L.. Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States. New York: Random House, 1972. Holloway, Karla F.C., ed. The Character of the Word: The Texts of Zora Neale Hurston. New York: Greenwood Press, 1987. Hurston, Zora Neale. Characteristics of Negro Expression. Wall, Cheryl A., comp. Zora Neale Hurston: Folklore, memoirs, and other writings. New York: The Library of America, 1995. Mufwene, Salikoko S., John R. Rickford, Guy Bailey, John Baugh, eds. African-American English: Structure, history and use. London: Routledge, 1998. Redding, Saunders. Old Forms, New Rhythms, New Words. Mullen, Edward J., comp. Critical Essays on Langston Hughes. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1986.

Citizens and globalization Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Citizens and globalization - Term Paper Example Globalization can also be said to be as the intensification of the worldwide social activities which has been linked to economic and social activities of the economies (MacGillivray, 2006). The goal of globalization is to provide business world an utmost competitive advantage while having low operating cost to gain worldwide consumers, goods and services. Globalisation uses the diversification phenomenon for the use of resources. It is a strategy that provides a long range of products and services. It enables businesses to compete worldwide by diversification because it includes risk reduction in international trade. It promotes economic growth and performance for a nation. Looking at these factors it can be said that the people around the world do not resist globalisation. It is not a new factor even it has an economic roots i.e. international trade, finance, migration and ideology. The people as the members of the society as the consumers should behave positively with respect to globalization as this gives them the advantage to have a varity of goods and services from around the world (Ilmberger & Robinson, 2002). Globalization also involves innovation due to the commercialization of national technology across international boundaries that is high tech products (includes all electronic, electrical products etc.), all this helps consumers to have better goods and services and take the advantage of technology which is not available locally. Globalisation boosts international travel and tourism indirectly due to the international business. Immigration between countries, formation of free trade zones, growth of cross cultural contacts, enhancement in worldwide culture etc. is increasing due to the globalisation. This is leading to the improvement in the cultural and business practices of the nations and developing people and their business. As the consumer the people are getting advantage of getting different products and services which they have

Applied business research-week 9 and week 10 Essay

Applied business research-week 9 and week 10 - Essay Example Salary depends on age and years since they are within the .05 significance level. However, it does not depend on beauty. Hence, beauty is an irrelevant factor in salary determination and can as well be eliminated. Age is normally distributed since its skewness is .362 while its kurtosis is 3.49. Moreover, years is normally distributed since its skewness is .348 while its kurtosis is .536. similarly, beauty is normally distributed as it has a skewness of -.004 and kurtosis is .480 values that are close to zero. 7. The R2 is .184. This value indicates the proportion of variance in the salary_2 that can be explained by beauty, years and age in the model. Apparently, beauty, years and age, which are the independent variables, explain 18.4% of the variability of salary_2, which is the dependent variable. 9. Age and years are significant coefficients as their p value is less than .05. Every increase of an average of 1 year in the number of years that a woman is a model is associated with 0.9% increase in

My Addiction to Sugar Essay -- Sugar Addiction Study and Intervention

INTRODUCTION Sugar is considered a toxic poison. Sugar leaches the calcium out of the skeletal frame of a human’s body. Sugar literally sucks the calcium straight from our bones; therefore it is known to many as a â€Å"skeletal poisonous powder.† There are thousands of individuals struggling throughout the United States with sugar addiction. Sugar is a leading cause of a number of health-related issues. Sugar causes health issues such as, fibromyalgia, diabetes, obesity, and osteoporosis. Like me, many individuals have no clue that they are addicted to sugar. Up until this single subject design, I thought my eating habits were quite normal. I honestly did not realize how much sugar I was taking in everyday. This single subject design has truly encouraged me to live a healthier lifestyle. The purpose of this study is to indirectly determine my sugar intake, by counting calories daily and reducing my caloric intake. LITERATURE REVIEW â€Å"Sugar addiction is a rapidly growing epidemic (Teitelbaum, 2010).† According to researchers, on average an individual consumes one-hundred pounds of sugar each year. Americans spend billions of dollars a year on gym memberships, healthy foods and beverages, and exercise equipment. Despite the economic strain, Americans continue to make room in their budgets for weight loss products. Exercising makes individuals feel healthier inside and out. Feeling healthier could possibly alter a person’s desire to eat healthier. Although exercise cannot cure a sugar addiction it could take one’s mind off eating sweets. Another benefit of exercising is the possibility of curving the urge for sugar. When an individual is hungry it makes their will power to resist sugar more difficult. Feeding ... ...9). Different in prevalence of obesity among black, white, and Hispanic adults-United States, 2006-2008. Morb. Mort. Weekly. Rep. 58, 740-744. Flegal, K. M., Carroll, M. D., Ogden, C. L., & Curtin, L. R. (2010). Prevalence and trends in obesity among U.S. adults, 1999-2008. Journal of Medical Association. 303, 235-241. Hyman, Mark. (2014). Sweet poison: How sugar, not cocaine, is one of the most addictive and dangerous substances. Daily News. Available at: www.nydailynews.com/life-style/health/white-poison-danger-sugar-beat-article-1.1605232 (Accessed on 10 February 2014). James, D. C. S. (2013). Weight loss strategies used by African American women: possible implications for tailored messages. Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics. 26, 71-77. Teitelbaum, Jacob. (2010). Sweet Relief. Better Nutrition Healthy Handbook. August 2010. 28-29.

Frankenstein †Golden Mean Archetype Essay

Throughout the last few chapters we have been reading, the perspective of our monster has shifted tremendously. At first, we viewed the creature as frightening and menacing. As the story continues, we base our view on the monster due to Victor’s aggressive behavior towards the creature, making us pity the poor monster as he has done nothing wrong; he is just lost in a new world, possibly experiencing culture shock. Now the creature is venturing out into the world, interacting with people other than Victor. â€Å"†¦for I never ventured abroad during daylight, fearful of meeting with the same treatment I had formerly endured in the first village which I entered† (106). After the monster encounters humans, people give the same reaction: fear. The monster comes baring no harm, but in fright, the citizens of the village run from him, scared of what might happen to them. This starts his increasing grudge against the humans. First, Victor rejects his appearance, oblivious to the being on the inside, now, complete strangers are neglecting him. His temper in steadily growing. â€Å"Was man, indeed, at once so powerful, so virtuous and magnificent, yet so vicious and base?† (107). After learning more history from his protectors, the creature is now questioning the characteristic change in man over the course of time. Back then, a creature of his nature might have been accepted, but now he is feared for his sole appearance. These events capture the imbalance in the golden mean because now the monster, once emotionally stable with his existence, is getting too angry and furious with the human race. The monster is now resembling Victor. Although he might not notice it, the monster is showing a strong connection between him and his creator through his actions. Both are seeking revenge and acting out through their anger. Now that the monster has built up the courage to confront the old blind man, by the name of De Lacy, he waits until Felix, Agatha, and Safie have left. He does not want to frighten them. Unfortunately, as he tries to speak with De Lacy, Felix and the others return. Upon Agatha fainting, and Safie running out of fear, â€Å"Felix darted forward, and with supernatural force tore me from this father, whose knees I cung; in a transport of fry, he dashed me to the ground and struck me violently with a stick† (123-124). The creature viewed the family and his own: his protectors. If they acted that way towards him, surely everyone else would too. Now, the monster’s revenge only increased. Soon enough, the creature is going to snap and lose control of his emotions. There is still some decency inside of the monster though. After witnessing an innocent girl downing, he saves her, despite his arising hate for humans. As a man comes and thinks that the monster is harming the girl, he shoots the creature, who had only tried to help. â€Å"The feelings of kindness and gentleness which I had entertained but a few moments before gave place to hellish rage and gnashing of teeth. Inflamed by pain, I vowed eternal hatred and vengeance to all mankind† (130). The spark inside of the monster triggers and rage flows through his body. Anger and revenge seep in and he now despises all human beings. The creature has terminated all tolerance for human beings, due to the everlasting hate he obtains from creatures so very similar to him. The golden mean has been violated extensively through the mistreatment of this poor creature. He has been nothing but joyous towards mankind, but in return he receives hate and pain, literally. The monster has no more patience or hope for the overturning emotions from humans. This eventually develops the motive for William’s murder, confessing to Victor the deviant act of not only the murder, but also of framing Justine.

Hpv Vaccine, The Cochrane Library, And Google Scholar

The literature search for this review was conducted using several databases including CINAHL, PubMed, the Cochrane Library, and Google Scholar. Search terms included â€Å" human papillomavirus vaccine†, â€Å" human papillomavirus†, â€Å"HPV†, â€Å" human papillomavirus safety and effectiveness†, â€Å"human papillomarvirus vaccination rates†, â€Å"HPV randomized controlled trials and systematic reviews†. Since licensure of the HPV vaccine in 2006, HPV vaccine coverage among US adolescents has increased but remains low compared with other recommended vaccines. Studies show that the influence of accurate information about vaccines is maximized when conveyed from provider to parent or patient and for parents, healthcare providers such as physicians or†¦show more content†¦In response to this serious health issue, more than 20 years of incremental research culminated in the development of HPV vaccines that elicit strong immunoge nic reactions without the risk of causing infection. A review of the literature has revealed that persistent infection with an oncogenic strain of HPV is the known cause of cervical cancer and of the 40 HPV types that affect the genital area, at least 15 types are known to be oncogenic or cancer causative (Armstrong, 2010). Based on clinical trials, HPV vaccination is effective against the occurrence of precancerous lesions and according to Armstrong (2010), studies of the quadrivalent HPV vaccine revealed a 98% protection against high-grade precancerous lesions, whereas for bivalent HPV vaccine 93% efficacy has been demonstrated in females to HPV 16 and 18 who completed the 3-dose vaccine series prior to engaging in any type of sexual actitivities. Cook et al (2010), acknowledges that there is no research available on long term efficiency of vaccines and also not everyone who initiates the vaccine series completes all 3 doses or completes all doses in the recommended 6-month ti me frame; this noncompliance and

Tracking Ability Grouping - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 24 Words: 7291 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Teaching Essay Type Argumentative essay Tags: Learning Essay Student Essay Did you like this example? The Effects Of Tracking/Ability Grouping On All Levels Of Students Abstract The research detailed in this paper provides a systematic description and analysis of classroom grouping practices in primary and secondary schools in England. Practices are compared to main findings in developmental and educational literature with regard to effective contexts for learning and recent ideas about pedagogy. The research is based on an analysis of 4924 pupil groupings from 672 Reception, Year 2 and Year 5 classes in 331 primary schools and 248 Year 7 and Year 10 classes in 47 secondary schools. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Tracking Ability Grouping" essay for you Create order The data came from ‘classroom mapping questionnaires’ that were completed by teachers at a particular point in the school. Completed questionnaires provided information about the nature and use of pupil groupings within their classrooms and focused on the number and size of groupings, type of working interaction between pupils, the presence of adults, grouping composition and the type of task that groupings were engaged with. Results showed that there were changes in grouping practices with pupil age. As pupils increased in age they were increasingly likely to experience whole class ability based sets (tracking) for core curriculum subjects and more formal row/pair seating arrangements. Chapter One: Introduction Statement of the Problem All pupils in schools are grouped in some form or another. At a school level, pupils are organised into classrooms on the basis of decisions about age and ability mix (Dean, 1992; Dreeben, 1984). Classes can be viewed as nested contexts within a school ( Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and within classrooms there are further nested contexts. Within the classroom the teacher is responsible for making decisions regarding these units or nested contexts for instruction and learning, that is, the unit to which learning tasks and working interactions are co-ordinated. This unit we have termed the ‘grouping’ and it can consist of anything from a single pupil to a whole class of pupils. There are many possible grouping contexts and each has different implications for pupils’ learning. Groupings can be of different sizes and compositions, and can vary in the amount of adult support they receive, the curricula and tasks they are given and the degree and quality of interaction between pupils. Decisions on the groupings to use for particular learning purposes should be partly dependent on the pupils themselves. The way children respond to the grouping contexts the teacher sets up and the interactive and learning benefits pupils take from them will depend on the skills and knowledge that they bring to these contexts. Of course, these skills and understandings will vary not only between pupils but also over time within pupils. During the 12 years that children spend in US schools, between the ages of 4 and 16, large and dramatic developments are apparent in childrens social, cognitive and communication skills. Thus particular combinations of grouping structure, learning task, working interaction and adult assistance may be more, or less, supportive of learning and development at different points in childhood. A pedagogic approach to the teaching of, and learning by, pupils of different ages must take account of these interactions b etween grouping and learning. Previous studies have provided clear findings but they have not examined classroom groupings in any great depth and do not systematically examine within-class grouping practices relative to the age (or learning needs) of children. They have tended to focus exclusively on either infant or junior classrooms (and not on secondary classrooms—11–16 years) and thus do not consider grouping contexts in relation to childrens development or consider how teachers treat children differently at different ages. This paper therefore seeks to examine groupings used within primary and secondary school classrooms in terms of a number of core dimensions and further to analyse them in relation to the effective practices suggested by developmental and educational research. The five core dimensions examined are: the size and number of groupings in the class; the working arrangement between grouping members; adult support of groupings; grouping composition; and the curriculum area and task type undertaken by the grouping. Purpose of the study This paper aims to provide a naturalistic and multidimensional description, in terms of the five core dimensions, of the nature of grouping practices as employed in primary and secondary school classrooms. Changes in grouping practices with pupil age will also be examined relative to the practices reported by teachers of Reception, Year 2 and Year 5 classes at the primary school level and teachers of Year 7 and Year 10 classes, at the secondary school level. A further aim is to consider how the description relates to developmental research and theory about the conditions for effective learning. Research Questions What are the effects of tracking/ability grouping on all levels of students? Significance Of Study The current study goes beyond previous work by exploring the nature of the grouping context in relation to learning task, working interaction and adult involvement across d ifferent year groups in primary and secondary schools. In contrast to other papers in this volume, this study is deliberately descriptive of current practice. The study is informed by an ecological view of classroom life and current ideas concerning a pedagogic approach to teaching and learning. Chapter Two: Review of literature Galton and Williamsons (1992) review identified four distinct types of classroom groupings: individuals, pairs, small and large groups and whole class. Yet their existence does not mean that teachers effectively co-ordinate their teaching and learning tasks with them. Research has examined the educational implications of grouping size for effective learning ( Kutnick, 1994) and emphasises that small groups are the most effective for learning ( Lou et al., 1996). However, this research did not relate grouping size to child development and has not examined actual grouping sizes used in classrooms. The number of groupings found in a classroom at any one time also has implications for the learning activity and adult involvement but has not been considered fully in relation to the age of pupils. An analysis of grouping size and number is also important in relation to the working arrangements of the grouping and the task that is undertaken. A central consideration in the nature and us e of groupings is the type of working arrangement between members of the grouping. A range of working arrangement types in classrooms has been described as: individualised work (children work on unique individual tasks designed for their specific needs); individuated work (children work on the same task but are expected to work alone); individuated work with talk (children work on the same task, are expected to do the work alone but are allowed to talk); peer interactive work (children either work on separate sub-components of one task or work together on a single task with a shared goal); and work with a teacher either as a whole class or as a group (Bennett Dunne, 1992; Galton Williamson 1992; Kutnick Rogers, 1994). The research literature on the ‘science’ of teaching and learning highlight the potential of different types of working interactions for learning. Piagetian, Vygotskyan, and socio-cultural theories have prompted much research into individual, adult-c hild and peer interactions in equal (cooperative and collaborative) and unequal (peer tutoring) relations. The general view is that learning is more likely and deeper when pupils are actively engaged in learning. Learning is often more active when pupils work in a shared social context involving interaction with others, whether with an adult or other pupils, rather than when working alone or just listening to the teacher (Wood, 1998; Rogoff, 1990; Doise Mugny, 1984; Topping, 1994; Forman Cazden, 1985; Slavin, 1990; Johnson Johnson, 1987; Tolmie, Howe, Duchak, Rattray, 1998). Research suggests that from at least 6 to 7 years children can begin to engage in and benefit from ‘collaborative’ interaction, though younger children do engage in social learning through co-ordination and cooperation as well as imitation and instructed learning (Azmitia Perlmutter, 1989; Tomasello, Kruger, Ratner, 1993). Collaborative interaction requires the use of cognitive skills, pers pective taking and particular conversational skills to compare others perspectives with ones own ( Baines, 1996; Miller, 1987; Piaget (1928, trans. 1959); Tomasello et al., 1993). Theorists and researchers from a Vygotskyan and socio-cultural tradition emphasise that interaction with others is productive prior to the age 6–7 years and they usually focus on interactions between a child and more able other (adult or child) ( Rogoff, 1990; Hogan Tudge, 1999) and peer interactive contexts where children scaffold each others learning, engage in the co-construction and elaboration of ideas or give and receive help ( Forman Cazden, 1985; Forman, 1992; Webb, 1989). These interaction types may be described as interactants co-ordinating and co-operating in interaction rather than being specifically collaborative ( Baines, 1996; Tomasello et al., 1993). There are indications that, for interactive group-work, smaller grouping sizes may be more suited to younger children or children with limited communication skills (Baines, 1996; Fuchs et al., 2000; Smith, 1994). Younger children will not have the conversational strategies, confidence or experience to enable them to easily interact in large groups. Large and even small group situations make it difficult for children to co-ordinate the taking of turns in conversation and keep interruptions to a minimum, unless regulated by an adult or more able other who can help them stay on one topic ( Dorval Eckerman, 1984). Moreover, in situations where children are expected to plan and organise their interactions, large groupings will make this very difficult. By contrast, dyadic and triadic groupings provide a simpler context within which children can develop many of the conversational and social-cognitive strategies needed for interacting in larger groups. These contexts also reduce the ‘risk’ ( Doyle, 1980) to self esteem that is central to increasing the effectiveness of group work (see Blatchford, Kutnic k, Baines, Galton, this volume). There are, of course, settings where individual work is necessary and more productive than group-work ( Howe, Duchak-Tanner, Tolmie, 2000; Murphy Messer, 1998) allowing children time to reflect on ideas and knowledge. These situations may be used to prepare for group work or to accommodate thinking after group work. In classroom settings, small groupings may be more effective when pupils are expected to interact on a task (Bosert et al., 1985; Nasasti Clements, 1991). On the other hand, a few large groups may allow more control of behaviour and attention as well as enable the targeting of guidance and support. Equally, from a management point of view lots of small groupings may prove unwieldy for teachers, particularly when pupils have difficulties working together on tasks. However, there is little information available on relationships between working interaction type and group size relations at different points in pupils’ education. The composition of groupings may have implications for teaching and learning. From a teaching perspective, homogenous ability grouping is efficient but may not be as beneficial for pupils’ learning. Most experimental research has focused on whether grouping members should be of similar or mixed ability. During peer interaction, the process of cognitive conflict, which theory suggests underlies collaborative group work, requires a difference in perspective and ability (Doise Mugny, 1984; Piaget (1928, trans. 1959)). Furthermore, peer tutoring requires a large difference in ability ( Rogoff, 1990; Vygotsky, 1978). However, similar ability peers may be able to scaffold each other during interaction ( Forman Cazden, 1985). Webb (1989), in her research on peer helping, recommends a compromise position such that high and middle ability pupils work together and low and middle ability pupils work together. This strategy overcomes the common problem of high ability pupils becomin g annoyed with having to help low ability pupils, while maintaining differences in perspectives and knowledge to support learning such that pupils of all ability levels benefit. Homogenous ability grouping within classes is currently recommended by school inspectors in England and Wales ( OFSTED, 1995), despite a scarcity of research into the effectiveness of this form of grouping ( Hallam Toutounji, 1996). Setting classes by ability is becoming ever more prevalent in US primary schools and has been the norm for pupils above 13 years of age in secondary schools despite evidence emphasising negative social, emotional and academic outcomes ( Benn Chitty, 1996; Hallam Toutounji, 1996). Yet little is known about its incidence in primary schools or the prevalence of within-class ability grouping in primary and secondary schools. Adult support of groupings is essential with regard to guidance, instruction and support for learning, but also from a practical point of view in terms of effective management of behaviour and attention. The existence of an adult in a group will affect interactions between pupils and thus may be highly inappropriate under certain task and interactive activities. Theoretically driven research highlights the beneficial effects of an adult scaffolding an individuals learning but holds little faith in the support or instruction of larger groupings where a teacher must know about, and adjust their teaching to, all children in their class (Tharp Gallimore, 1991; Wood Wood, 1996). When taught as a whole class, pupils will vary in their ability and learning needs, even when placed in classes ‘set’ by ability (where pupils are re-organised into new classes for one or more curriculum area on the basis of similarity in ability—also known as tracking in the US), and thus direct whole class teaching can be difficult. This is further compounded by the possibility that not all pupils will be actively engaged all of the time. Re search by Galton and colleagues also illustrates the unfeasibility of adults scaffolding pupils’ learning. They found that while teachers spend most of their time interacting with pupils, each pupil on average received no more than 10 min of focused teacher attention and support per day (Galton, Simon, Croll (1980) and Galton, Hargreaves, Comber, Wall, Pell (1999). Adult support may be more important with younger children as they may have difficulties remaining on-task or working independently as a group or alone, and may need guidance for the learning and elaboration of new knowledge and concepts. Despite the crucial nature of adult deployment in relation to the groupings used in classrooms, little research has examined adult support of groupings of different sizes and compositions and in relation to different curricula and tasks and across different year groups. However, teachers report that small groupings are preferable as they allow better quality input from an adul t, allow better quality work from pupils, are better for pupils’ concentration, and are more manageable generally (Blatchford, Baines, Kutnick, Martin, 2001a). But in large classes teachers feel driven to reduce the number of groupings and thus increase the size of groupings for ease of management and control. Finally, the nature of the curriculum area and task that groupings work on is a key component of an analysis of the effective use of groupings. Particular curriculum subject cultures may lead to different teaching and learning practices (Goodson Managan, 1995). Yet if activities are not appropriate to the particular type of grouping arrangement, then learning may be ineffective or threatening ( Bossert, Barnett, Filby, 1985; Doyle, 1983; Galton Williamson, 1992). Currently, in the US, it is suggested that in the ‘literacy hour’ different activities are conducted at the same time when pupils are working in groups. This may allow teachers to target the ir support to particular groupings but this has implications for the complexity of task types given to other groups where no adult support is available. This may be particularly problematic with young children that are less able to work independently. The type of task undertaken has been conceived across many different dimensions (Alexander, Schallert, Hare, 1991; Bloom, 1956; Norman, 1978; Pica, Kanagy, Falodun, 1993). Norman (1978) suggested that tasks could either introduce new ideas, procedures or skills; demand that an individual discovers ideas; require the practising of new skills on familiar problems; require the application of old knowledge/skills to new areas or problems; or revise or recap knowledge/skill. In the experimental research literature there are clear indications that different types of task are more suited to different types of grouping and adult support of groupings ( Kutnick, 1994). For example, the learning of new skills and procedural knowledge may be best conducted by a tutor ( Howe et al., 2000; Rogoff, 1990); practice tasks may be better suited to working alone with adult support to clarify problems or as a whole class ( Jackson Kutnick, 1996); tasks involving the application of skills to new areas may be best suited to collaborative group working situations as individuals have already honed the necessary skills but need to develop new conceptual understandings ( Howe et al., 2000). There is also an indication that the task needs to encourage ambiguity ( Doyle, 1980), whether in terms of outcome or process, in order to be effective for group work. Different tasks may be evident at different age levels, especially as during the early years children are learning and developing new skills and knowledge. Bennett et al. (1984) found that tasks used in infant classrooms primarily involved the practising of skills. Few studies have examined the types of tasks that are given to different types of groupings in primary and secondary cl assrooms. If teachers are to be effective in their use of grouping strategies, they must be aware of the potential for learning and have the ability to co-ordinate task types with groupings in their classrooms. Chapter Three: Methods Research Design and Data Collection This paper aims to provide a naturalistic and multidimensional description, in terms of the five core dimensions, of the nature of grouping practices as employed in primary and secondary school classrooms. Changes in grouping practices with pupil age will also be examined relative to the practices reported by teachers of Reception, Year 2 and Year 5 classes at the primary school level and teachers of Year 7 and Year 10 classes, at the secondary school level. A further aim is to consider how the description relates to developmental research and theory about the conditions for effective learning. Analysis of Data The data used in this paper come from three separately funded but parallel studies that used the same methodology. One project, the Primary Classroom Groupings Project, examined grouping practices in Year 2 (6–7 years) and Year 5 (9–10 years) classrooms. The focus of the second study was on the effects of class size on pupil learning experiences and involved data on grouping practices in Reception (4–5 years) classes. The third study examined grouping practices in secondary schools (11–12 years and 14–15 years). All three projects involved the use of a ‘grouping mapping questionnaire’ to collect quantitative data on the nature of groupings as used in classes at a specified time and day. This paper only reports part of the total data collected—other articles summarise other sections of the data (Blatchford et al., 2001a; Kutnick et al., 2002; Blatchford, Kutnick, Clark, McIntyre, Baines, 2001b). The grouping mapping questionnaire On an assigned day and sample time in the lesson, teachers were asked to make a quick note (on a predrawn map of their classroom) of the location of individual male and female pupils, the grouping that they were part of, the curriculum and task that groupings were working on, and the nature of the working interaction the grouping was engaged in. The teacher also noted the location of the adults working in the classroom. Later, at a convenient moment, teachers completed a questionnaire where they elaborated on the classroom map and provided further information on the class and themselves (such as whether the class was set by ability and class size). The advantage of this approach is that it utilises the benefits of a large scale questionnaire and an observational approach while avoiding many of the difficulties associated with these methods, such as the lack of detail and expense respectively. The grouping questionnaire completed by Reception class teachers was a simplified version of the questionnaire used with teachers of Years 2, 5, 7 and 10. Sample The primary classroom groupings project Schools were contacted across 5 participating Local Education Authorities (LEAs). Of these 5 LEAs, 3 covered sub-urban areas in the south of England and 2 covered inner city areas, one in the South and o ne in the North West of England. LEAs with schools in rural areas were not approached because of the strong likelihood of mixed age classes which would have required further detailed analyses in areas that the project had not set out to address. Schools in the 4 LEAs in the south of England were contacted prior to sending questionnaires and schools in the fifth LEA were sent questionnaires directly. Teachers were asked to complete the questionnaires at a set time (one of five possibilities), on a particular day (Tuesday, Wednesday or Thursday) during weeks when they were not overburdened (i.e. weeks where Standard Assessment Tasks and OFSTED inspections were taking place and the first and last weeks of term were avoided). Times were selected to avoid school assembly, break-times and the lunch hour. Returned questionnaires were evenly distributed across the five completion times. Just less than half of the schools approached agreed to participate in the project and over half of th ese returned questionnaires. From the 111 schools that participated, 187 teachers returned questionnaires. About half of these teachers were of Year 2 classes and half taught Year 5 classes. Some teachers taught mixed age classes (always consisting of pupils from one year above or below), although all had a predominance of Year 2 or 5 pupils. Over 1000 groupings were described in the questionnaires of the 187 classes and there was a fairly even contribution from both Year 2 and 5 classes. The class size project: Reception class data on grouping practices In the class size study, questionnaires were completed at 10:00 a.m. on a specified day of the week. Questionnaires were returned by 485 Reception class teachers (from 220 schools which were randomly sampled from 8 LEAs). These questionnaires provided data on over 2000 groupings. Further information on this project can be found in Blatchford, Moriarty, Edmonds, and Martin (2002) and Blatchford et al. (2001a). Grouping pract ices in secondary schools project The grouping practices in secondary schools project involved 47 schools in the collection of classroom mapping data, 36 were mixed sex schools, nine were all-girl schools and two were all-boy schools. Questionnaires were returned from 128 Year 7 and 120 Year 10 classes which were spread equally across the four subject areas of English, Mathematics, Science, and Humanities. Teachers were asked to complete questionnaires either towards the start, in the middle or towards the end of the lesson. Percentages of questionnaires returned were in the proportions 20%, 54% 26%, for the different timings of the lesson respectively; very close in number to those sent out. These questionnaires provided data on 1767 groupings. Further information on this project can be found in Blatchford et al. (2001b). Chapter Four: Results Results were analysed using Chi-square, Spearmans correlation and, where appropriate, ANOVA with Tukey hsd post hoc tests. This section will briefly consider class level contextual data before examining the data on within-class groupings. While many comparisons between core dimensions are possible, here we have focused only on those that are relevant to changes in grouping practices over the years of primary and secondary school (see Blatchford, Baines, Kutnick, Martin (2001a) and Blatchford, Kutnick, Clark, McIntyre, Baines (2001b); Kutnick et al., 2002, for further analyses). Streaming and setting classes by ability All Reception classes and the vast majority of Years 2 and 5 classes were of mixed ability. Not one single class was streamed (i.e. where pupils are allocated to a class where they are taught all subjects on the basis of ability) and only a quarter of classes experienced any form of ‘setting’. Year 5 classes were more likely to be set by ability w here as many as 44% were set for a subject compared to only 6% of Year 2 classes (?2(1)=35.98;p0.001). Setting was mainly for Mathematics or Mathematics and English—only once was it found for English alone. However, only 18% of Year 5 classes actually worked as a set when the questionnaire was completed. At the secondary school level setting was much more frequent. At Year 7, 42% of classes were set by ability and this increased to 70% by Year 10 (?2(4)=20.38;p0.001). Setting at Year 7 was primarily for Mathematics and Science where approximately 50% of classes were set by ability and 35% of classes studying English and Humanities (e.g. History, Geography, Art) were set. At Year 10 setting was even more prevalent for English, Mathematics and Science (69%, 100% and 83% respectively) but much less likely for Humanities subjects (19%) (?2(3)=48.40;p0.001). Classroom seating and working arrangements Small group seating was the predominant classroom layout at both Year 2 and 5 levels (59%) (this was not coded at the Reception level). However, there were differences between Year 2 and 5 classrooms in the next most popular class layout (?2(3)=25.0;p0.001). While at Year 2 there was more large group seating than at Year 5 (37% vs 14% respectively), at Year 5 there was more traditional row/pair class seating (0% vs 15% respectively). By secondary school, pair and row seating was the predominant classroom layout (67% at Year 7 and 75% at Year 10) with the remaining classrooms having layouts consisting of a combination of small, large, row and paired seating. Number and size of groupings within classrooms The average number of groupings in classes increased with pupil age. Typically, Reception classes contained fewer groupings than Year 2 classes, and Year 2 classes fewer than Years 5, 7 and 10 (F(4,915)=28.9; p0.001). By contrast, groupings decreased in size with age, with Reception and Year 2 children working in the largest groupings and Year 7 and 1 0 pupils working in the smallest (F(4,4902)=61.5; p0.001). Grouping composition Group composition varied across the age groups (?2(4)=433;p0.001). While pupils of all ages, even Reception, were most likely to be in similar ability groupings, by Year 10 this had reached the point where virtually all pupils were grouped according to similarity in ability. The levels of low and middle ability groupings remained fairly constant across all year groups but during the secondary stage, levels of high ability groupings increased and mixed ability grouping decreased. Curriculum area and task type Age differences were evident in the types of task given to pupils (?2(12)=2913;p0.001). In Reception and Year 2 classrooms, practice and revision tasks were the most common task type while in secondary classrooms pupils were most likely to be working on tasks involving the application of existing knowledge. There was an equal balance between these two task types at Year 5. Thus, as pupil age increased, groupings were more likely to be given tasks where they were expected to apply their existing knowledge to new areas and less likely to be practising or revising their skills. Tasks involving the introduction of new knowledge remained relatively constant over primary and secondary school levels. Working interaction type in relation to grouping size Both the primary (Years 2 and 5 only) and secondary school data show that working alone was common in all group sizes except groupings of 11 or more and in large groupings at the secondary school stage . In primary classrooms, peer interactive work was most often conducted in small groups but, proportionally, dyads and triads were more likely to involve peer interactive work than other types of working arrangement (?2(10)=4231;p0.001). At the secondary level, individuated work was most often experienced in pairs and, proportionally, triads and small groups were more likely to be associated with peer interaction than o ther working arrangements (?2(10)=6102;p0.001). At both primary and secondary school stages, groups of 11 or more pupils (usually whole classes) were most likely to be listening to and interacting with the teacher than other group sizes. Adult presence in relation to the number and size of groupings The relationship between the number and size of groups and adult presence is revealing about the effect adult support has on the organisation of the class, the way teachers allocate their time among the groupings, and the function of different grouping sizes. The number of adults in classes increased with the number of groupings at Reception (r=0.36;n=476;p0.001) and Year 2 (r=0.24;n=92;p0.05) but not at Years 5, 7 or 10. At both primary and secondary school levels, adults were most likely to be present with very large groupings and large groups of 7–10 (Primary—?2(5)=3772;p0.001; Secondary—?2(5)=4558;p0.001). Small groups, triads and especially dyads were leas t likely to have an adult present and were thus the main grouping size where pupils work independently. However, as age increased adults were decreasingly likely to support individuals (?2(4)=128.9;p0.001). Thus in Reception classes individual pupils were more likely to have an adult present than not, but by the Secondary stage very few individuals, dyads, triads, small or large groups were supported by an adult. Task type in relation to grouping size In primary classrooms most types of learning task were conducted in small groups and thus there was no distinct relationship between grouping size and task type. However, some trends are apparent if the data are looked at within rather than across grouping sizes. At the Reception level, large groupings of 7–10 pupils were proportionally more likely to be engaged on tasks involving the introduction of new information (?2(15)=1463;p0.001). At Years 2 and 5, dyads were more likely to work on tasks involving the application of skills than other task types and very large groupings were most likely to be gaining new knowledge than working on other task types (?2(15)=691.3;p0.001). The findings at the secondary school stage indicate a clearer relationship between task type and grouping size (?2(15)=884.9;p0.001). Groupings of 11 or more pupils were most likely to be working on tasks involving the introduction of new knowledge. The application of existing knowledge was most connected to dyads (the most common grouping size at this level) but also small groups. Practice and revision tasks were most often conducted in dyads and very large groupings involving 11 or more pupils. Working interaction type in relation to curriculum area Data relating curriculum area to working interaction type at primary (Years 2 and 5 only) and secondary school levels are consistent. Science was the main curriculum area where pupils worked together as groups and this was least likely in Mathematics. English, at the primar y school level, rarely involved children working together but was increasingly likely to involve peer interaction at the secondary stage (?2(6)=703.9;p0.001). Mathematics most often involved whole class interaction and individual work at primary and secondary stages. Working interaction type in relation to task type data at both the primary (Years 2 and 5 only) and secondary school stages show that no single interaction type was used for a particular type of learning task. At the primary school level, working alone was used for all types of task. However, pupils in primary classrooms were slightly more likely to be working alone on practice and revision tasks. When pupils at this level worked together on a task this most often involved the application of existing knowledge, and when engaged as a class interacting with the teacher this often involved the gaining of new knowledge. At the secondary school stage, the patterns were similar but clearer. Working alone was most likel y to involve the practice and revision of knowledge and other task types; peer interaction was associated with the application of existing knowledge and teacher-class interaction for the gaining new knowledge. Adult presence in relation to task type Although adult presence decreased with age there were some persistent patterns across the different year groups in terms of the data on the relation between adult presence and task type At all ages, adults were most likely to be present during tasks involving the development of new knowledge and skills (?2(3)=926.5;p0.001). Teachers were also least likely to be present when pupils were applying existing knowledge and skills to new areas except at Reception level. Chapter Five: Conclusions Conclusion This paper examined the relationships between the age of pupils and the grouping practices employed by teachers within classrooms in primary and secondary schools. The findings reveal some interesting ways in which classroom organisation and grouping practices change over primary and secondary schooling. It is perhaps of little surprise that pupils were increasingly likely to experience more formal teaching and learning situations from Key Stage 2 (children aged between 7 and 11 years) onwards, seen in terms of a greater organisation of classes by ability into sets, particularly for Literacy/English and Numeracy/Mathematics, and row and pair seating arrangements and the reduced use of seating in groups. Primary school teachers most often used small groups but from Year 5 they used dyads increasingly. Primary teachers decreasingly used large groups of 7–10 pupils and secondary school teachers made greater use of very large groupings of 11+ pupils. In all clas srooms, individuated work was the predominant working arrangement for groupings. Primary age pupils rarely worked together, though small group seating was the most frequent furniture arrangement, but rather engaged in individuated work. As pupils got older, and specifically between primary and secondary schooling, they were more likely to experience whole class interactions with the teacher and peer interactive work, and were less likely to experience individuated work. A key finding was that the number of adults present in classes decreased as pupils got older. Primary classrooms often had additional adults present to support pupils yet by the secondary school stage this was rare. Grouping composition varied with pupil age, though only slightly. The high incidence of homogenous ability grouping was surprising, particularly in the early years of primary schooling, and there was only a slight increase in prevalence at Year 10. The main type of task pupils engaged on varied accordi ng to their age. At Reception and Year 2, pupils were most likely to be practising and revising skills, a similar finding to that reported by Bennett et al. (1984). However from Year 5 onwards, tasks involving the application of existing knowledge to new problems became increasingly predominant. Gaining new knowledge remained relatively constant over primary and secondary school levels. The prevalence of practice tasks in early schooling reflects a greater emphasis by teachers and the curriculum on pupils getting to grips with basic skills. Implications of the study There may, however, be good reasons for absence of peer interactive work in primary classrooms and some secondary classes (e.g. in Mathematics). Throughout primary school, pupils are only just beginning to be able to engage in these forms of interaction and it may be the case that they are not able to do this without considerable support from an adult. These forms of working require pupils to take responsibility fo r their own learning, along with the presence of mind and complex communication skills to be able to resolve disputes and to reach a democratic consensus. This may be a challenge when they are used to being dependent on adults. Research evidence supports this view. Teachers and pupils often have concerns about group work. There is a general belief that children do not learn from peer interaction (Lewis Cowie, 1993). Teachers also suggest that group work can often mean increased disruption, increased pupil conflict and that it is only useful for high or low ability pupils ( Cowie, Smith, Boulton, Laver, 1994; Cohen Intilli, 1981; Lewis Cowie, 1993). Creating effective group working tasks and conditions is harder and more time consuming than a traditional didactic and independent learning approach. Teachers may not feel that they have the skill, time or resources to help them make peer interactive learning work. This may be especially the case since there has been a shortage of re search examining how group work involving high level talk and learning can be used effectively in primary classrooms (though see Mercer, 2000). This is a task currently being undertaken by the current authors (see Blatchford et al., this volume). In summary, our findings suggest that a number of changes in grouping practices take place with pupil age. However, the nature of these changes do not make the most of pupils’ learning potential since there is limited use of peer interactive work in primary classrooms. 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